Yasir Arafat dies, world peace has a chance....

All things outside of Burning Man.
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Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Fri Nov 19, 2004 9:29 am

17 November 2003


I fear that my favourite hostel residents are reaching a breaking point. Tisir is going crazy under house arrest. I wonder if he will make it. I have a dreadful feeling that he will soon be destroyed, either from within or without. He has so much anger in him right now, and no outlet. To go to meet his advocate, he must employ me to look for undercover police.


Essam is now without work, too. He worked only a day and a few hours until it all blew up. Working in the Jewish quarter, the Arab is nothing. One day a Jewish man came and asked for two kilos of apples, but demanded them at a lower price than was set by the manager. When Essam said he couldn't make that decision, the man called him names, insulted his mother, and told his to obey. Essam lost it - broke his nose (literally or figuratively, I'm not sure), and walked away.


Of course, the soldiers nabbed him. The punishment should have been at least six months in prison, but Essam smiled and thanked them. There, he would eat, drink, and sleep - all paid for by the state that makes it difficult for a Palestinian to make a living.


They were angry, and instead told him that he couldn't work for one month. This is a problem - Ramadan ends in a week. He needs money to buy gifts for his family. But there is no work.


In Bethlehem, he has a home, but no work is to be found. In Al-Quds, he must either work and submit to daily degradement and humiliation, bowing his head and smiling while people call his mother a dog, or not work at all. Even when there is work, the amount he can make is no more than he must spend each day to live - for a roof and meals.


So what is a Palestinian to do? How can anyone cope?


Essam and Tisir both, trapped in different sorts of prisons. Each one boiling, trying to get through each day, struggling to breathe, to live, with threats in every alley and only walls at the end of each road. No, they are not as bad off as those in Gaza, but their suffering is part of the same oppression - total enslavement to the arbitrary rulings of the racist Israeli government.


Sorrow runs deep here. No one can sit still. It is little wonder.


And I fear for them, especially for Tisir. Because one day, the dead ends will be too much for them to take.



19 November 2003


An early morning in Asira, and a busy night. Last night the Jeysh were here - not too bad, but it is seven days into curfew (mannea ta jawal) now. They were tooling around town telling people to head to their houses last night, but many people stayed up and about, drinking tea and coffee, going to mosque. We escorted as many people as possible, engaging the soldiers at times and ignoring them at others. It was great to be able to help the residents of Asira resist.


Today they were harsher - a clash with the shebab, shots fired, but no one hurt. The teachers at the madrasa for banaat (girls' school) wanted to keep the school open, and could have had the fathers not demanded entry to fetch their children. They could have kept it open, I'm sure - the door was shut and the teachers brilliantly defiant, and organised to boot. However, what are you to do when the soldiers are saying they'll open fire on your kids in five minutes?


After that, some of the men of the town surrounded one of the jeeps and refused to leave the street. The soldiers got out on foot, pointing their guns about, even at people in their houses. They were really irked at my photography.


I spoke for a while with Kan'an today. Though Asira as a whole has more money than many places in Occupied Palestine, there are people who are so poor they go to the stores asking for the heads and feet of chickens for their dogs and then cook them up for their children instead. Now that the stores are closed and there is no work, god only knows what will happen.


Food is running out here. No one can buy bread or vegetables. No one can get medicine at the pharmacy, and getting to the hospital is difficult or impossible.


I talked with a soldier last night, and asked him why he was doing this. He said he didn't know why, it was orders. 'Don’t you think it's important to know why you are doing something before you follow orders?' I asked. I hope he thinks about it in his sleep.


Asira is beautiful. The people are lovely, kind, and warm. It is the most friendly place I think I have ever been. People keep warning us when we go down to meet the soldiers, sometimes with rocks. They seem to understand why we are here, for the most part.


This morning a coalition of all the local political factions got together. From the mosque loudspeakers, hey told everyone to get out into the streets and resist. 'You are all Muslims!' It was music to my ears.

My Friend Bruce wrote:Sorry it took so long to get this posted...had some computer difficulties. Anyway, I am better. Had a rough headache for several days and couldn't think very clearly. So what happened at the demonstration. We went, we clapped, we chanted. The army had put a roll of razor wire in the road way, and we move it out. They waited there for us...we walked a little closer. I don't really remember when or how it all broke loose. The army started throwing sound grenades, things that numb your brain, make you deaf. If they explode near you, they burn you or knock you down. One Palestinian lady fell. She was barely able to limp away. The army ran at us and hit us with fists and clubs. We backed off and gathered again. The army responded again the same way. They fired tear gas into the middle of the crowd, sending some forward and some back, away from the gas. They tried to arrest a palestinian man who was doing nothing that free speech doesn't allow. We did not let them, we herded him from danger. They went after an american girl, tried to choke her and drag her, but we got her free. They came after her again and again, some times I was there to help free her, sometimes I wasn't. Most of the palestinians, not counting the press had fallen far back. We were separated from them by a nasty wall of tear gas. I tried to move through it, an onion to my mouth to counter the gases effects, but it was too much. I saw them chasing the american girl again. There were alot of soldiers this time. I wanted to fall back, run away. I was afraid. But all my comrades and friends were up there getting attacked by the soldiers. They made a pile of bodies, the girl at the bottom, so the soldiers couldn't take her. The soldiers hit the people, pulled an irishman by his hair, but the man stayed on the pile. I came over, hoping to help. I would move toward the pile and 3 soldiers would leave it and shoo me away. I would move back when they left me, so that they would have to do it again. Finally a gap appeared and I got on top of the pile, knowing that those who had been there a while had been abused a lot. A female soldiers pulled me back by my backpack. I didn't resist. I tried to talk to her, ask her why, ask her what they were doing, since by now we were in the middle of a cabbage field far from the gate we were protesting at. She prodded me with her baton, and spoke to others in Hebrew. Suddenly I was grabbed and hit on the head, or the other way around, I blacked out for a second. Next I knew soldiers were dragging me. They flipped me onto my back and grabbed each limb, carrying me. My shirt was up over my face. I finally got my face free so I could see what was going on. They carried me across a field, and then forced me into the back of a jeep. The jeep was filled with ammo to use on us, and a soldier sitting inside grabbed the back of my shirt and pulled me in. He yelled at me and then punched me in the back of the head. I asked him why, and he didn't answer. I was moved to another jeep and was questioned and photographed by the commanding officer, I think he was younger than me. He told me that he was a leftist. I didn't believe it. He told me only 20% of palestinians are against the wall. I shook my head. We waited, and the police came and took me. they cuffed me and told me I was arrested. no rights, no charges. It was a long ride to the police station, each person trying to get me to talk. I didn't. I was taken to the investigators office. He tried being friendly. I'm sure he wasn't the worst guy. He said, "we all do what we have to do" I would have talked to him about that if I had been free too. I was shackled at this point, and not yet used to moving in so much jewellery. I talked to a lawyer, and I was read my rights "you have the right to remain silent, anything you say can and will be used against you in a court of law. Remaining silent can also be used against you with and only with other evidence." All the evidence they needed was a soldiers testimony, even though it would be contradicted by video evidence. The soldier signed an affidavit that I had thrown stones at soldiers, that I had knocked her down and others had to come and pick her up before arresting me, and that I had resisted arrest. I was glad the charges were so ridiculous, so that there was know doubt in my mind that I had done nothing illegal. the investigator lied to me, told me that it was illegal to even be at a demonstration. He said it didn't matter if I confessed or not, he would deport me. then I was escorted down stairs. My things were taken and catalogued, I was put in a cell, they dumped soapy water on the floor and made me mop it. I thought, well at least it's not quite as disgusting now. There was some trash on the thin mat that I was to sleep on. the bed was concrete. the bathroom was filthy, the toilet just a hole in the floor with dung on the place where one would have to stand to us it. the shower was a pipe out of the wall, and you would have to stand over the toilet to use it. I washed my hands and face, and at some of the greasy spaghetti noodles that were my dinner. Things got better though, the palestinians across the hall were breaking fast, and having coffee and tea, and the guard brought it across to me at their request. The guard was a nice fellow, for the most part. I slept as much as I could, since I was going to need energy and i'd been through a lot. they never turn down the lights, and it didnt get quiet until very late, then I was woken and fed pudding and nasty eggs, before I was shackled again and put in a holding room. then I was taken in a van, from police station to police station, switching 3 times I think. each time new shackles and cuffs. Finally we got to the airport. ****** and Joey showed up, and I was so happy to see them. we talked then I was introduced to my lawyers that they had acquired for me. the ministry of interior representative showed up and we had an interview. somewhere in the middle I was uncuffed but left shackled. we struck a deal, though it wasn't a good one. I didn't have to go back to the jail at Ariel, and that made me happy. the red tape took hours and me and the lawyer and the cop sat there waiting, me in shackles still. the cop began to talk to me through the lawyer, and in the end invited me to join him for sabbath. He couldn’t really do it before, but he said next time I came to Israel, not to wear shackles and he would invite me to his house. A lot of people here are great, they just don't realize what they are doing. I met an Israeli refusnik who came to post my bail. He's a great guy. After all that, I had to get a ticket to jordan. I may stay there a short bit, though I haven't talked to many about it. There are palestinian refugees there too, and I want to see what their plight is. And I still have time, and I still have determination. Now I am going to tell you what I think of conscripted soldiers. They are people who are too cowardly to face a tough life, to go to jail, to face ridicule, and would rather beat murder and maim men women and children. One can say it is hard to make the choice to refuse, but I think that is a shabby excuse. Everyone knows that it is wrong to kill, and to do it because it makes life tough not too, is pure cowardice, and the height of immorality. One cannot be made to kill, it is always a choice. No matter what the consequences. And those who join freely, may all their gods forgive them. Because in what ever roll they have, they still contribute to murder. As do all we who sponsor our government with taxes to carry out these despicable acts. May all our gods forgive us, because the children in their graves can not.
19 November 2003


Six jeeps now, at least. Four border police, two army. The streets are strangely quiet except for the sounds of gunshots and stones being thrown onto roadblocks. I picked up shells from live rounds by Raya and Aya's house. They arrested four shebab today but let two go. They fired at children who were hiding in the trees.


And the soldiers are flirting with me again... bloody annoying.


I wonder how anyone can kill people after watching animals die, like the sheep that was slaughtered this morning. The things they did to Jenin... watching Jenin Jenin I can't help but think of Balata. So many kinds of slaughter.


Is a person still human after willingly killing another human? Does humanity decay or evaporate? Is that what enables them to continue the carnage?


I asked one soldier if this was fun for them. 'No, it is work,' he answered. I'm not sure if I believe him. For some, sure. For others, I think I see a certain glee in their eyes…


It took that sheep a while to die. At the last few moments, he struggles mightily, most of his blood already drained from his neck into a bin. His eyes were closed in pain, body shuddering while he kicked. And soon it was no longer an animal, no longer a being. Headless, skinless... In those few minutes though, it was fascinating and terrible.
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Simply Joel
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Post by Simply Joel » Mon Nov 22, 2004 4:11 am

the house of cards begins to fold.

Many Syrians Say It's Time to Quit Lebanon
By Mariam Karouny

DAMASCUS, Syria (Reuters) - Twenty years ago Ahmed Shukmarra went to Lebanon as one of tens of thousands of Syrian soldiers, believing his presence would help halt a civil war in Syria's small neighbor.

Today he sees no reason why roughly 14,000 soldiers, part of a force first deployed in 1976, should stay in Lebanon, particularly given increasing pressure from Washington and the United Nations for them to withdraw.

"We went there to stop Lebanese from fighting but why we are still there ... This I can't understand," said 43-year-old Shukmarra, who left the army and now owns a clothes shop.

The United States has imposed sanctions on Syria, accusing Damascus of supporting "terrorist" organizations, insisting it should stop controlling Lebanon and saying that it must renounce weapons of mass destruction.

Many Syrians feel that interference in Lebanon could work against Syria and that it is time to leave Beirut alone.

"I have Lebanese relatives, I like Lebanon but not as much as I love Syria," said 23-year-old student Khadijah Neaman.

"If staying in Lebanon will harm us then we should leave. It's a logical thing to do. Whether Syrian troops are there or not we will always be relatives and we will always have a special relationship," she said.

In September, the United States and France drafted U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559 condemning foreign interference in Lebanon and calling for foreign forces to withdraw, a call the council repeated last month.

Syria was not mentioned by name in the resolution, but its role as the main power broker in Lebanon has been openly criticized by Security Council members.

"I think that until Syria makes up her mind to let Lebanon be Lebanon, then the international community will continue to focus on it," U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage said last month.

"NOT WORTH OUR BLOOD"

Inside Lebanon itself, many are fiercely critical of the influence Damascus wields over Beirut.

Parliament recently changed the constitution to allow pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud to extend his term -- a move which resolution 1559 tried to pre-empt -- and a newly installed government is seen as having been chosen for its loyalty to Damascus.

Since resolution 1559, many Lebanese groups have spoken openly about the need for Damascus to withdraw.

Others, including the Shi'ite Muslim guerrilla group Hizbollah which is backed by Damascus, have argued that a Syrian presence in Lebanon is necessary to preserve national unity and to help resistance against Israel, which until 2000 occupied southern Lebanon.

Some Syrians said the Lebanese did not appreciate the benefits of their involvement, and cited that as another reason why Syria should pull out.

"We have always helped them, but why would we get ourselves into trouble for people who don't like us and don't want us to be there?" said Najdat, a taxi driver.

"When someone does not welcome you then why would you keep offering help?"

Syria redeployed some 3,000 troops in September from the outskirts of Beirut toward the border, a move analysts said was aimed at easing international pressure.

But both Beirut and Damascus have repeatedly said they will not accept outside interference in Lebanese affairs and that only they will decide when Syria should withdraw.

"What is between the two countries is governed by history, geography, borders, people, trade and everything," said Syrian political science professor Imad al-Shuaibi.

Shuaibi said those calling for a full withdrawal were only doing so to pressure Syria, not out of concern for Lebanon's right to sovereignty.

"What I have against this presence is that it's a military one. It should have been a presence based on interests for two countries and based on trust as well," said Michael Kilo, a Syrian opposition figure. "This is not the case now."

Some Syrians see Lebanon as a weak country unable to cope alone and support their government's decision to stay in Lebanon.

"History showed us that Lebanon can't survive without the help from Syria, that is why we were one country," said merchant Ahmed al-Ali.

For others the overriding concern is what will happen to them if Syria continues to defy international opinion.

"We sacrificed our blood for that country, we lost good men in that land but the question is ... do we have to lose more blood for it? What for?" Shukmarra said.

"I don't think we should."
Democrats... snatching defeat from the jaws of victory, daily!


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Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Mon Nov 22, 2004 9:49 am

A Year Ago I wrote: 22 November 2003


I am so frustrated this morning. They came raiding houses in the night banging on doors and shouting what sounded like 'arba u nofs!' They took out four shebab (youth). We were powerless, or at least it felt like it. At any rate, we didn't do anything to exercise any power or influence we might reasonably have had. There were at least 21 jeysh in town, probably more...They broke windows with stones, took 20 year olds out of their homes.


Of course, it all has to do with last night. The shebab threw up a decent resistance, though the stones were smallish in comparison to Balata. We were near the boys' school in the heart of town, at the roadblock the shebab had built prior to the mosque road. Mikel and I were on a roof to the right, trying to avoid the stones flying at the two jeeps. When a gun barrel stuck out of the back door of the front jeep, aiming at something behind, I jumped down to the other side of the road and began yelling at the soldier. I had to back off because of the hail of stones - even then I was hit in the leg. For a while, the tactic seemed to work, but soon a few soldiers jumped from the jeep and began to shoot live rounds down the alleyway in earnest.


All in all, it was a disturbing experience - the shebab not wanting me to help with roadblocks, then voicing their concern for my safety from their stones, yelling at me to go for multiple (?) reasons, screaming at me because of the presence of my camera, even though I was photographing the army, not the shebab, and feeling utterly helpless as the soldiers hunted my friends with guns.


Some of the shebab surely don't trust us. Mohanned quizzed me at length last night about why the hell I'd come here, what I meant to accomplish, and how I felt when things were hot with the army. I felt out of place, unwelcome, and childish. Mohanned was arrested late this morning, I believe.


Our group has also had issues: decisions made in laziness or fear, not analysing situations in any depth, and generally letting the jeysh win. Perhaps we have small victories here and there, but I am feeling useless and encumbered by my peers. Of course, there is nothing I can do without them.


22 November 2003


It's amazing how much a village can make you feel like family. Dinner yesterday at Mohammed and Mahmoud's house (ibn ammi - my cousins!), which included several interludes with their sisters, was wonderful. Ahui (brother) Hamoudi was there, and my improving Arabic allowed me much more freedom in conversation. Boxing with Mohammed, putting lipstick on Mahmoud, generally horsing around, laughing wih the sisters even though they don't speak...


And, of course, Aya and Raya and Hamoudi and Ashraf's house is always a welcoming place, where I am privy to the inner family circle.


It is so hard to see these things happen to a village I have come to love, people who are now quite dear to me. Five days ago, they were strangers. Now they fight over whose house I will come to next.


I feel like we are giving up on this once idyllic town, leaving when it is in it's worst time.
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sparkletarte
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~

Post by sparkletarte » Mon Nov 22, 2004 10:26 am

Thanks for posting your journals Rian!

Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Mon Nov 22, 2004 11:25 am

sure thing, darlin'
the strange thing is to see what i didn't write about - that the night in question they were interrogating a dude right outside our door and we couldn't leave, that i watched my adopted family's cousin arrested and couldn't do anything, that the Sawalhas keep songbirds.

*shrug* god only knows why we write what we do...
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Rian Jackson
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Continuing: One Year Ago

Post by Rian Jackson » Tue Nov 23, 2004 2:14 pm

23 November 2003


These children's lives are completely inundated with this struggle. They are very much the children of the Intifada. Their play - almost all of it - is jeysh and shebab. Little Bashar, maybe five years old, runs into the room at the evening breakfast carrying bullets - not the shells but the bullets themselves. Kids on the street are playing with shells and tear gas bombs.


Although they project an air of happiness, there is a deep sorrow here. Only in private will the family cry over the loss of their youth, keenly felt but often discussed only in terms of jail time and facts, not openly in feelings.


The children are old before their age; weathered by death, home invasions, and curfew. 14-year-old boys care for the children, 11-year-old girls are serving guests with the grace of grown women, and teenage boys are carrying the weight of this resistance, protecting their villages and watching their friends disappear one by one into the backs of jeeps. I know one 22-year-old who threw his first stone at age four, molotov cocktail at six, and used a slingshot at age 10.


There are no picnics anymore, because all that there is to speak of is army and border police and curfews and incursions. Since the Intifada began, there are no birthday parties - even the children's consciences don't allow it.


Even the little girl yesterday was already politicised at about two years old. 'Hamas or Fateh?' they asked her. For a moment she paused and then answered 'Hamas!' 'Hamas mhix kwayyes,' 14-year-old Hamoudi replied, echoed by his 11-year-old sister. 'Fateh!' They encouraged. The little girl responded by singing a Hamas song with her aunt.


Chances are she knows nothing of what this means - only that there were two choices and her parents favoured one - but she was doubtless born during Intifada. There is little else to speak about - though people attempt to go about their lives normally, you cannot escape the struggle here. It is in everything.


Eid begins tomorrow - a three-day celebration to end Ramadan. The children are ecstatic, ready to eat, dance, and wear their new clothes. They are doubtless aware of the great possibility that there will be heavy curfew enforcement during Eid, but are excited nonetheless. From the adults, I sense trepidation. They are already picturing their children's faces when Eid is ruined, just as every time they try to take their kids to the surrounding hills for a day and are turned back home.

23 November 2003


Some days I have to remind myself that you don't win every day. It's demoralizing. The gains of these struggles are so often invisible, so often hidden in what might have happened. The losses are much more obvious. We can count each child killed; we can count each youth hauled to prison. We can't really count those that are not. It is inherently exhausting. Most days it feels like a losing battle. It takes constant reminding that it is worthwhile, that it is changing the world.


**********


Maybe it is our short Western attention spans that make this work difficult. We are used to an explosion of energy, then results, not the daily fight, the struggle for physical and mental survival that make Intifada. And we, as internationals, have the luxury of making our part of this struggle as brief as we wish. When we tire, we can step back, disappear, and be finished. There is no such luxury in Palestinian life. Though you can close your eyes at night, there will still be occupation and struggle in the morning. This life is the only one they have. There are choices in how you live it, to what extent you resist and to what extent you swallow and try to ignore the occupation. However, it is either fight or live passively with little hope for change.


It is little wonder that people are saying this Intifada will continue until Palestine achieves liberation. Time is up. There is no giving in, no letting up. To give up now is to give up the will to achieve the dreams of millions of Palestinians.
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Rian Jackson
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Posting a Day Early Since I Won't be Here Tomorrow

Post by Rian Jackson » Wed Nov 24, 2004 9:16 am

25 November 2003

The first shovelful thrown, laden with sand and decaying garbage. The first stone budged, hauled by twenty people straining against a rope. The first car freed, driving jubilantly through the place where a massive barrier had been.

We cheered, we grinned, we sweated, we shielded our eyes from the blowing trash and our noses from the stench. We wished it wasn't Ramadan so we could drink water. We struggled together, in Arabic, in English, in silence. We destroyed a roadblock.

Sweet, small victories, won by ordinary people without heavy machinery, without paid workers. Score one for Balata Camp.



25 November 2003


There are different manifestations of grief here. Many are public - the general dampening of spirits this night before Eid, the mourning displayed as anger. And then there are those that are more private - a man speaking of the loss of his friend. He hasn't gone into the quarter of the city where his friend used to live since he was murdered by the IOF. The quiet words of loss - all 14 friends gone, seven killed and seven jailed. They were once a family. Still thinking of the wedding party they were to plan, for a marriage that will now never happen - the groom is in the ground.


The explanation that will never be sufficient to convey the pain of laying your friend in the ground with your own hands, then moving him after one week.


Those that remain walk daily with ghosts, echoes of laughter long since gone and the faces of friends who appear now only on shahiid (martyr) posters. There is always someone missing, someone who should have been there to drink coffee.


This is loss that drives people to shoot at soldiers as they enter yet another person's house. Why not risk death when death threatens at every turn anyway?


25 November 2003


It began around 2:15 this morning, banging on doors, maybe some shots fired. By the time we figured out what it was, they were pulling Ismael and his family from their home. We were ready to go out when the crossfire began, tanzim (militants) shooting back at the soldiers. The army turned the lights out so we couldn't see the prisoners. We wanted to go out - all two of us - when it sounded like the shooting was coming right down the alley in front of our door. We also heard it at the end of the camp.


They took one boy and five ID cards from the house. We couldn't go outside. Crossfire also by the opened roadblock, and in the old city.


Of course - the night before Eid.
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Post by Rian Jackson » Mon Nov 29, 2004 1:45 pm

27 November 2003


Eid yesterday was incredible. Spending time with Palestinian friends and Internationals on the hills above Asira with a simple and delicious BBQ, it was as if there was no occupation at all. If it was less smoggy you could have seen Tel Aviv and the Mediterranean from there. Besides the military base, there was no sign of any army - just rounded hills and olive groves, with the sounds of donkeys and sheep rising from the valleys. There, old pottery shards litter the ground, and stone huts appear on the hillside. The mountain is networked with cavernous natural wells that are still used by the local shepherds, and by the village when the other water sources run dry. The ground is ploughed, waiting for the planting of wheat. Aside from conversations about incursions, Intifadas, and arrests, there was no sign of an occupation at all.

My 'family' was thrilled to see me, and I to see them. The Eid gifts I brought were well received, with gratitude, I felt completely at home with Mohammed and Mahmoud, even though Mohammed kept trying to marry me, supported by his aunt. He's only the third person in two days.

The town was joyous, except in those few moments when the army returned to terrorize the town. Eid had come after all.



27 November 2003

I am realizing more and more that we experience something very different from the Palestinian experience. Today at the valley Sabatash I was detained for about an hour while ill. Palestinians, of course, are often kept for much longer, and have fewer bargaining chips. I tried walking away once or twice, and I could have given them my passport (which I said I didn't have, but wasn't willing to go to that extent to recognise their authority). If they'd tried to arrest me, though, I wouldn't have had the energy to de-arrest myself.

Without backup, there was little I could do but observe while Palestinians were humiliated, trying to visit friends and family, forced to beg for the right of passage. As for myself, I lay curled on the ground for an hour, occasionally arguing with my captors. Minute by minute I could feel my strength sapping, wondering if I would have the strength to climb the mountain into Nablus. To walk away would most likely have caused my arrest and deportation, to stay was also to risk arrest should they realise who I was. I had no contact with anyone but the few souls who tried to pass through Sabatash.

For me, this happened once. Frankly, one hour is nothing at all in terms of being detained. It is only a taste of the daily hurdles Palestinians must cross, trying to live an ordinary life.

Of course, to someone at home, or to myself a few months ago, this is absurd. But we are all normalizing here. Oh, it's only two jeeps. The soldiers aren't being that bad today - they are hardly even screaming. They only shot rubber bullets this morning. She wasn't really shot; it was only in the leg. There's no major damage to his organs from those four M16 bullets. Curfew was only for three days this time. There are only eight people detained. People have only been queuing for two hours. Just one roadblock. Only an hour out of the way.

These are the things we say on a daily basis, the things we think. Balata seems quite nice, despite the overcrowded schools where children can't learn, the streets so narrow that you must turn your shoulders to pass, and the danger of being shot should you go walking at night.

Maybe our senses are so assaulted that we have no choice but to accept these atrocities as the norm. It's horrifying when you realise that you are thinking these thoughts. But what else can you really do? This is life. We can't think about it all the time. I think you have to normalise to survive, or it all becomes too much. In this fight, we are becoming a bit calloused just to continue to exist. How much more must it be for a Palestinian? They are the ones who, in Jenin Camp, will say, 'Yes, I know three children were shot, but no one died today! It's a good day!'

As we go to sleep, we simply hope that the army won't come in the night so we can rest. Not with any dread, not even any thoughts about how wrong these incursions are - just hoping for a full night's sleep.


29 November 2003

Getting Palestinians out of Nablus is quite difficult. Since our coordinators needed to get to Beit Sahour (near Bethlehem), we tried to accompany them. Two - the young men, of course - were turned away at Maxzum (checkpoint) Huwwarra after being detained. We went to Nablus centre to find a ride - a brave, unlicensed driver who knew all of the back roads. For maybe 45 minutes we rode on treacherous mountain roads, like a roller coaster for children, but without a safety net or seatbelts. I'm amazed that the van didn't roll over. It was packed with 14 people, including us two ajeneb (foreigners).

Past an occupied house, draped with camo netting and flying a large Israeli flag, watching over the villages. Onto the highway, dodging border police jeeps and hoping the settlers didn't shoot. We ended up on the other side of Huwwarra, hours after we had left - only 50 meters farther along but a major hurdle crossed.

We couldn't pass through Huwwarra as internationals, so we had arranged to return the way we came. We made a million side trips (or maybe two or three) to pick up travellers who had no other way to pass, isolated in their villages with settlements all around. We even saw one of the Jenin coordinators on the road, also trying to make his way south. For him, the journey took more than a day. If there were no occupation, it would take only an hour or two.

We almost got into huge trouble several times on the way back. First border police - we had to lay low and avoid them, waiting at a gate. Next we headed back on the road we came on (I swore we would die from the van flipping), but we got word that it was now closed by the army.

Back to the settler roads, which are very dangerous for Palestinians. Had we been a minute later, the border police would have caught us leaving the mountain road and shot us - we were lucky. Maybe even so it helped to have ajeneb in the front seat.

We raced though Huwwarra village and to Huwarta checkpoint, having gotten word that the soldiers had momentarily left it open. A stroke of luck, a last resort - past the army firing range and through the gates unchecked.

Moments after we passed, the army returned to reoccupy it.

I was exhausted. Seven hours of tension for fifty meters - but we saw some of the most beautiful vistas and spotted a Beduin camp.

Home alive, 100 sheckles poorer and down one more tire on the van, but our friends made it though safely.

The stress of it was incredible. Never knowing when we would be stopped or by whom, from where the danger would come. Had we been stopped, it would have been a nightmare - better since there were internationals present, but dangerous for us as well as the Palestinians.

They were quite glad for our presence - lots of chatter about Jenin and Balata, much appreciation once they found out why we were in Palestine.

It was a good day - draining, but possibly productive. I just wish we could have done something for the 40 young men detained at Huwwarra.

I won't soon forget our driver - brave, jovial, and skilled. I'm grateful for these 'small' acts of resistance.
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Post by Rian Jackson » Tue Nov 30, 2004 11:17 am

30 November 2003


It's been a busy day. Army in Balata at five and seven am (though I was in Nablus holding down the old city, with young militants shooting outside), and again when we arrived in Balata around half nine. There were three jeeps - two border police and one army - threatening the camp but not really attempting to enter. They threw sound bombs, shot in the air, and threw what smelled like tear gas but looked neon yellow into a home or a shop.

A few minutes later we were back at the other end of the camp, blocking some jeeps. Three of us had our hands on the hood, throwing our weight against it to stop its entrance into the camp. The soldiers didn't seem to know what to do with us. Eventually, they turned away and drove off.

We took a trip into Nablus to buy keffiyas and peanut butter, and to meet Sami. After a few hours, the call came - as we had expected, the army was back.

We sped back to the camp, and arrived in a moment of relative calm. Soon the jeeps were back at our side of the camp.

Resistance was strong and courageous today. Maybe 150 kids throwing stones, bags of garbage, and anything else they could find at the jeeps. The street is littered with oranges and wafers amongst the stones. We blocked them several times, each time trying to avoid the hail of stones. In all, the shebab (youth) were quite courteous today, making a special effort not to hit us. When we had our hands on the jeeps they didn't throw. When they needed to lob stones, we stood back. I only got hit with three of them - not bad for so many shebab.

The soldiers motioned us to stand aside. I motioned them to leave. It was our will against theirs. It helped a lot that the press was there - we may be on Al-Jazeera tonight. UPMRC (volunteer medics) also turned up with an ambulance just in case.

There was nothing serious in terms of army tactics. It was all threats, ones they couldn't have easily carried out in the presence of Internationals and the press. There was one dicey moment when I found myself staring straight down the barrel of a gun pointed at me and another International, but they didn't shoot.

It was a beautiful moment when the shebab broke a window of the jeep. Between the dents and the window, they will soon need to make some repairs. Unfortunately, we are also on the army's film once again.

Balata defends its home again.

On another note, I think I am becoming accepted here. The word on the streets is that we are very brave - especially me, which is odd. People now seem to know me as the girl who blocks jeeps. Really though, our courage is nothing compared to those who fight this battle every day, the Palestinians who have so much more to risk.

Us shebab have been quite jocular today - talking about Mustashfa Bethlehem (the mental hospital) and such. Finally the young shebab are saying I am kwayyes (good) - a sign that acceptance - and thus trust - is growing, which is so necessary to do this work.
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Post by Rian Jackson » Wed Dec 01, 2004 8:35 am

1 December 2003

This morning certainly has been eventful. The sound bombs began at 5 am, the first right outside our house. It didn't sound like much else was going on, though we could hear the concussion grenades moving through the camp. I tried to get information from one of our coordinators, as I thought I heard something broadcasted over the jeep's loudspeakers, but was told that it is 'forbidden' to go outside. (Which is not true.) Apaches started flying overhead, and continued for a while.

When people began to wander outside, we went too. A few kids were throwing stones, though for the most part the people of Balata were simply trying to get their kids to the UN's sorry excuse for a school.

The army opened fire with live rounds at a child, but missed him, and then turned rubber bullets - the cylindrical ones, luckily - on children standing next to us. Two girls were hit; one of them about 7 years old caught it in the leg or the hip. The other was probably 13. Both were crying and clearly in pain, near hysterics. All they had done was to stand on the sidewalk, where they should have been safe.

The clash continued, with soldiers occasionally firing from the jeep and the hummer. They also threw the worst tear gas I have ever met. Though it was only one canister, it took everyone out of commission for a while, burning, choking, and blinding us. The wind carried it the entire length of Balata Camp, into alleys and homes as well as gassing the entire main street, including the food that was being sold.

We stayed present as much as possible, sticking with schoolchildren, young boys, and the older youth. It was as we were about to block the jeep that was coming down the road toward us that the resistance apparently shouted for us to move off the streets, though I don't think any of us heard them at first.

A moment later we were between the resistance fighters and the army, with shots fired from either beside us or behind us. It looked like there were bullets hitting the ground 10 feet in front of us, but in the confusion it was difficult to tell.

The resistance was shooting from every alleyway, so we got out of the main street. I ducked into an alley full of kids; the others stationed themselves under a shop awning across the street. I ended up in the same street as the resistance, looking for a corner to be in where the soldiers wouldn't make me into a target if they followed the resistance fighters deeper into the camp. Bullets were pinging on the awning over the other internationals' heads.

Now the shooting has calmed down. So far, we have three children wounded by rubber bullets and one boy, about 7 years old, probably hit with shrapnel from a sound bomb.

The resistance may be disappointed that we went inside - they seemed happy to have us there and were good about telling us when they were finished shooting for a spell. Of course, there isn't a lot that their little Kalashnikov bullets can do against an armoured vehicle.


********

Back in again... our brave friend in red shot with a rubber, plus two other kids, maybe 5 and 11 years old. Reports keep coming in of more wounded children, though most don't look too serious. An international took a rubber bullet in the foot. They were intentionally firing at us. One tank, two jeeps, one hummer. Quiet now for a moment... I think they will come back.

As we sat inside during the gun battle, I dissolved into giggles for a moment, thinking of people's faces back home if they had heard our conversation. Here we were, a bunch of young western activists, discussing whether the shots were M16 or AK47, and identifying them with some accuracy. With practice, you can tell the shots apart, as well as making distinctions between live rounds, rubber bullets, and concussion grenades. You can hear the difference between jeeps and tanks and hummers, too... militant resistance and the army firing. It certainly is an education.

We are all on edge today. Several of us have bad feelings about this day, and now most of us are paranoid. I know I had a dream much like this a few months ago, and I wish I could remember the outcome. I hope it will be nothing worse than a rubber bullet to the foot, but only time will tell.
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Post by Rian Jackson » Wed Dec 01, 2004 3:24 pm

barghuti's back in the running, and there's a woman running for president, too!

('course, Hamas is acting like babies (for decent reason, really though) and Fateh's sounding like idiots, but you can't have everything, can ya?)
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Post by Simply Joel » Thu Dec 02, 2004 3:29 am

thoughts?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
December 2, 2004
Talking Our Way to Peace
By JAMES A. BAKER III

Houston

Two developments - the re-election of President Bush and the emergence of a new Palestinian leadership in the wake of Yasir Arafat's death - have created a unique opportunity for negotiating peace between Arabs and Israelis.

The president should, of course, continue with his goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East. And the planned elections in Iraq this January are a critical step in the right direction. But it is imperative that the president also actively promote peace between Israelis and Arabs.

Stability in Iraq and peace between Palestinians and Israelis can be pursued at the same time. In fact, working toward the latter improves the chances of attaining the former. The road to peace does not run through just Jerusalem or just Baghdad. That is a false choice. Today it runs through both.

The so-called quartet (the United States, the European Union, Russia and the United Nations), which has been working on a "road map" for peace between the Palestinians and Israelis for several years, supports a two-state solution, as do the vast majority of both Palestinians and Israelis. President Bush certainly favors this goal, and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel has publicly supported it as well, although in April he said that the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza could delay a Palestinian state "for many years."

Only the real hard-liners on both sides - Arabs who refuse to recognize Israel's right to exist and Israelis who want to keep the occupied territories rather than exchange them for a secure peace - prefer a one-state solution. A one-state solution would ultimately mean the end of Israel as a democratic Jewish state and would, of course, also foreclose Palestinian aspirations for their own independent state existing peacefully alongside Israel.

So the real question is how to take advantage of this window of opportunity to achieve that two-state solution. Specifically, what steps should be taken? Who needs to do what?

First, it is critical that negotiations resume. For this to happen, of course, Israel must have a negotiating partner on the Palestinian side. That partner will best emerge from free elections. Elections have been scheduled for Jan. 9, and all who support peace between Israel and the Palestinians have an obligation to do all within their power to see that those elections are successfully held.

Palestinian candidates should clearly and unequivocally renounce terrorism as a means of achieving a political result - and call upon their supporters to do likewise. And those Palestinians should commit themselves to an unequivocal, good-faith effort to crack down on terrorist groups make a target of Israel.

In exchange, Israel should announce that upon the election of a Palestinian negotiating partner, it is prepared to resume substantive negotiations for peace without requiring that all terrorist activities cease in advance. To require the absence of any terrorist act in advance simply empowers the terrorists themselves to prevent the resumption of peace negotiations.

Also, Israel should do whatever it can to encourage freedom of movement and access to polling places under secure conditions to help such elections succeed. It is encouraging that Israel has indicated that all Palestinians will be permitted to vote in such elections whether they live in Jerusalem or in some other location.

The United States should itself clearly embrace and articulate the unequivocal, good-faith standard for the resumption of dialogue. The United States should further prevail upon Israel to cease settlement activity in the occupied territories pending Palestinian elections and during the resumption of peace negotiations. Washington should also do everything else that it can to encourage both sides to resume meaningful talks. And it should serve, where necessary, as a direct participant in the talks, offering suggestions, brokering compromises and extending assurances.

Finally, the administration must make it unambiguously clear to Israel that while Prime Minister Sharon's planned withdrawal from Gaza is a positive initiative, it cannot be simply the first step in a unilateral process leading to the creation of Palestinian "Bantustans" in the West Bank.

We cannot, of course, prejudge the final outcome of any talks. But the plan presented by President Bill Clinton and Prime Minister Ehud Barak at Camp David in 2000 - and rejected by Yasir Arafat - surely offers one plausible place to start.

It is encouraging to witness the quick response from the White House, particularly when President Bush stood with Prime Minister Tony Blair of Britain shortly after his re-election and said that he wanted to establish an independent Palestinian state living in peace and security next to Israel. "I intend to use the next four years to spend the capital of the United States on such a state," he said.

While the United States cannot dictate the terms of peace to either party, it can and should actively promote the resumption of negotiations. The time to start is now.

James A. Baker III was secretary of state from 1989 to 1992.
Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

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Post by DVD Burner » Thu Dec 02, 2004 3:37 am

BAKER?

He is a known thug and a punk. ( no slandering intended.) It is a fact he is a thug.

He owns Pactel

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Baker
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline ... ker/1.html

You are a big time lolly pop.
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Post by Simply Joel » Thu Dec 02, 2004 3:42 am

how about your credentials, DVD?

i'd like to see a side by side comparison.... maybe your resume' against the president's, the VP's, Colin Powell's??

hell, i am willing to place mine side by side of yours here on the e-playa and let others be the judge of our credentials.

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Post by DVD Burner » Thu Dec 02, 2004 3:53 am

Simply Joel wrote:how about your credentials, DVD?

i'd like to see a side by side comparison.... maybe your resume' against the president's, the VP's, Colin Powell's??

hell, i am willing to place mine side by side of yours here on the e-playa and let others be the judge of our credentials.
Joel...I like you.

There is no fucking way I am giving you or posting my Resume on a public BBS so that bean heads can come looking for me and fuck up my way of life.

I did my time for this so called government and I will live as I please and will enjoy you and those like you using what I make and what my friends make and live happily ever after as long as I can.

Ask Badger for his resume.


(HUH?)


P.S. I have given pleanty of hints on this board pleanty of times of what I do.
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Post by Simply Joel » Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:12 am

not willing eh?

something to hide?

it can't be your ignorance, 'cause it (your ignorance) is so self-evident.

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Post by DVD Burner » Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:14 am

Simply Joel wrote:not willing eh?

something to hide?

it can't be your ignorance, 'cause it (your ignorance) is so self-evident.
Whatever.
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Post by DVD Burner » Thu Dec 02, 2004 4:20 am

Your resume cant compete with mine.

You and your buddies are still gonna buy whatever we make.

You need it and you and those like you are not smart enough to figure out how to do it.

Our trade’s secret
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Post by Simply Joel » Thu Dec 02, 2004 6:18 am

DVD Burner wrote:Your resume cant compete with mine.

You and your buddies are still gonna buy whatever we make.

You need it and you and those like you are not smart enough to figure out how to do it.

Our trade’s secret
it has never been a competition, on my part, it has been a quest for valid information, possible alternatives to current policies, an effort for political enlightenment (not for you, but for myself)...and unfortunately, you haven't demonstrated the depth nor the breadth to engage in, with me or anyone for that matter, a meaningful discourse of valid information, possible alternatives to current policies, an effort for political enlightenment.

as far as my future computer requirements, i actually look forward to a retirement without a need or want for computers.

i bid you good day, sir.
Democrats... snatching defeat from the jaws of victory, daily!


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Post by Rian Jackson » Thu Dec 02, 2004 8:17 am

Joel, I would actually characterize the one state solution as a difficult option but the only viable one, really. Both groups are giving something up in it: the Israelis who support it sacrifice a religious state, the Palestinians having 'their own.'

I tend to think that this option is probably the most progressive - it's the only one that really speaks to living together and mending the years of violence between peoples.

As I generally say, this can't be any more difficult than what we're doing now.

I would agree that true independence/ lack of occupation/ peace in Iraq will help usher in peace in Pal/Is also, if only for the reason that the two occupations are viewed very similarly by the people. There was a time when the resistance movement in Fallujah was being referred to as the Intifada (which, btw, is just an Arabic word meaning 'shaking off') and my understanding is that there's a great deal of sympathy for the Iraqi people in popular Palestinian sentiment.

Likewise Iraq holds a large number of Palestinian refugees....

There's a convoluted historic link between Iraq and Palestine. One of the things that was most hurtful to the Palestinians, i would guess, is their support of Saddam. My suspicion is that this is because he was the most vocal supporter of the Palestinian struggle in the area. It's pretty widely said that Saddam gave money to the families of suicide bombers. I haven't had a chance to chat with him and find out if this was anti-semitism or liberation support, if it was condoning the tactics or just trying to support families who suffer from economic and military degradation after a member of their family completes and attack or is suspected of planning one. It seems short sighted to me on the part of the Palestinian population, but then a people under oppression often take support wherever they can get it.

Of course, Hizbollah in Lebanon was another supporter (though largely trying to rid their borders of the Israeli occupiers). Where they were once considered one of the worst terrorist groups by the West (though they made few cross border attacks, most of it was within S Lebanon) they are now a functioning part of the Lebanese government. Though their ideology was once radical shi'ite, it's a lot more mainstream, probably as a result of the expulsion of the Israelis and their enfranchisement is what had been a minority Christian controlled environment.

Back to the elections, state-hood, etc: Part of the 'problem' is that in the furnace of these last years, the Palestians have become very clear on how much their corrupt leaders were willing to give away. Every 'peace' plan so far has been a continuing diminishment of the Pal areas coupled with giving up on the right of return for refugees - a universally recognised, sancified in human rights law.

The US involvement is resolution of the crisis has also, actually been truly problematic, i believe. As a staunch ally of Israel, they aren't really a proper negotiating partner. With US power on the side of the Israeli state, the 'solutions' offered always lean in favor of the Israeli government. the US really has no right to be 'endorsing' candidates as they are. not surprisingly, those that they 'endorse' tend to be the weakest on the important issues, such as refugees. it's another bargaining chip in Israeli's favor that goes against international human rights. now, i'm not saying the US government doesn't want peace - just that they have a need (economic, military, political) for a certain kind of solution, one that's isn't based on justice so much as power.

I have Israeli friends who see the two state solution as a stepping stone toward a future one state solution... i tend to think this is problematic because of
a) the distance between gaza and the west bank
b) Israeli control of water in Palestinian areas (in summers, many people can get water once every week or two - while the Israeli settlements water their gardens and sometimes even swimming pools)
c) Israeli control of borders
d) Israeli economic stranglehold on the Palestinian areas.

my suspicion is that a two state solution without answering these questions will not create a peace. you'll still have a population under the thumb of another. living conditions are bad enough that i would expect some violence to continue. and we have no guarantee that israeli military operations in the areas would not continue.

also, there are the issues of internal refugees....

there are promising bits to this election process and disturbing bits.
Barghouti's newest bid is, i believe, positive... he's such a strong advocate of human rights for ALL. the presence of a female candidate for the Palestinian presidency also gives me some hope - not that she'll win, but that the process of fundamentalising the muslim populations isn't that far along. (as the struggle has coninued, areas have become more and more conservative).

I'm concerned about Fateh's reaction to Barghouti's candidacy - i think it shows a childishness and a desire for utter control that are not amenable to a well functioning state. i think hamas' withdrawal from the process is far from promising, though they may be right about a need for full elections (for fuck's sake, let's see if this one works before we rehire the whole government!). And, finally, i have grave reservations about the possibilty of free, fair elections when you can't even leave your city. human rights groups have said that to campaign properly, etc, you must have freedom of movement.

I'm anxious to see how the israeli government reacts, considering that historically they've jailed or killed many of the viable grassroots leaders... leaving people like arafat who are far from good for the Palestinian people.

hope that made sense. your thoughts? i'd like to hear them...
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Post by Rian Jackson » Thu Dec 02, 2004 8:40 am

damn! i keep trying to post this great photo of a muslim college girl voting in their recent elections in Nablus (An-Najah Uni) but it won't go.

well, fuck. [/img]
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Post by Rian Jackson » Thu Dec 02, 2004 9:21 am

A Day Early:

3 December 2003

We exchange stones for rubber coated bullets, garbage for an M16 round in the eye. The clash lasts for 8 hours or so, the morning after a tank, and APC, and at least one jeep rolled into the camp to terrorize Ismael's home again at 3:30 am. They parked outside our house. It was eerie, the tank tracks grating and clanking in the night, smoke billowing from the beast to mask the exiting soldiers. I struggled to see, hid from the search light grazing the windows. It caught me once; I ducked as it brightened on our window, scrutinizing the silent room. I waited for the bullets to come.

Ten minutes later they were satisfied. Calls to Ismael, vaguely hoping he would pick up and tell me that they weren't in his home after all. It seemed there was nothing we could do. Had we gone out they would have shot us before they could see properly through the smoke screen. After they rolled away, I climbed uneasily into bed, thinking about tanks in the night.

I was woken a few hours later by sound bombs just outside our home. The stones bean to fly again; the jeeps had penetrated into the camp, drawing the resistance of children. The two of us who were staying in Balata wandered outside to see what we could do. In a flash, I knew that one of us would be shot by rubber bullets, this time not in the feet.

Five minutes later it came - probably a ricochet, which hit my neck. It landed with a thump, a strange combination of numbness and stinging, and the knowledge that I'd been shot. Now leaning against a shop door, Matt asked if it was live or rubber. I really didn't know, but could feel my legs and arms going numb, and the searing heat under my hand. The shot missed my carotid by an inch. I wanted to head back into the street with the kids who were resisting, but Matt insisted that since I was in shock it would be a poor idea.

The army played with the kids for a good deal longer, though with only two internationals in the camp and me woozy from the adrenaline, we chose to step back for a while. Around 9 am we got word that there was a house occupied between Balata and Askar. The army takes over houses on a regular basis during major invasions. This may be practice for something big. At the house, there was nothing the Internationals could do. The soldiers wouldn't even acknowledge their presence.

The battle moved from one end of the camp to the other, eventually settling back on our side of the camp.

Encouraged to stay inside and recuperate, I stupidly acquiesced as the clash continued cheerfully outside. When I saw the schoolchildren trying to make their way home, I went outside against Ziyad's wishes. I couldn't sit inside any longer.

There was live fire from the soldiers. I admit it - I was afraid. All day, since I was shot, I was convinced that either a Palestinian would be killed or an International arrested. It was awful to have to watch the other Internationals navigate the situation, avoiding bullets and stones while trying to be useful. Really, it was rather surreal to be watching instead of taking part.

When I got downstairs, I found some purpose escorting children. They were terrified, some of them in tears. I tried to calm them. Shebab (youth) were everywhere, clogging the streets. One of my little friends happily accompanied us with my hand in her grip, unafraid though she is only about 5 years old. I took her home, refused orders from the families to come inside, and headed back to the clash.

'Tabaybe!' they cried - a tank was coming. I made my way to the tank, unable to see what was happening for the crowd of hundreds who blocked its progress. Just before I got to the front, relative confusion erupted. UPMRC (medics), in the form of Mustafa, rushed to the aid of young men and boys shot in the face with rubber bullets. Then came the final blow - a 14 year old boy shot in the face with a live round while 200 children threw garbage on the tank and covered its gun with a bucket. Satisfied that despite this humiliation they had spoken the last word, the army left while we in the street tended to our wounded.

I feel useless. Why did I allow myself to stay indoors while I might have been able to change the situation? What ever happened to courage, resolve? It this what I call resisting an occupation?

According to some I am now somehow Palestinian. Wounded, like this people. Helpless as our neighbours are shot down in the street.

I think we have not yet seen the worst. They will occupy those houses again. The tank has not gone far - only to the other edge of the fields.
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Post by Rian Jackson » Fri Dec 03, 2004 9:05 am

Editorial Note:

In this experience, a year ago now, I strove to be as honest with my audience(s) and with myself as I possibly could. What you see here is not necessarily my ‘best foot forward,’ nor is it necessarily where I am now. It has, however, helped me to understand how we become what we become when we are living in conflict.

There are times for brutal honesty, even when it makes you look bad…

************

4 December 2003

Though I must have known it all along, I suddenly came to a realization of my own self-censorship. I know that, in a sense, I am writing propaganda. Though none of it is lies, though everything is true, I have to recognize that I am always trying to put the best possible face on the resistance here.

Part of it is a grappling with the situation - trying to understand from a Palestinian perspective rather than respond from my well taught, racist Amerikkkan ways. Perhaps some of it is a fear that I should allow myself to find fault with this struggle and be unable to support it.

Mostly, I believe that it comes from the knowledge that these writings are public and may be some people's most intimate encounter with the Intifada and with the people of Palestine. As I am writing in English and come from the US, most people who read it will be informed and indoctrinated by decades of US media which report only the words 'terrorist' and 'suicide bomber,' as if that is the identity of all Arab people. There is so much to be set straight, and all too much danger of judgement from a single careless word. Unconsciously, we as Westerners and US citizens read about Afghanistan looking only for greedy warlords and western-hating Islamic fundamentalists. Likewise, we read about Palestine - if indeed we do at all - looking for the Olympics terrorists, making victims out of all Israelis.

So what purpose does my own propagandising serve? Is propaganda ever justified? It is unsettling, but it feels quite necessary. Still, I should note that though I may choose my words with care, I am only reporting the truth of what I have lived through here, the pain in people's eyes and the horror of their stories.

I think I may never rest easy with this one. It is like the resistance itself. Against such great atrocities, simply being is not enough. Against such great lies, transparency and neutrality become propaganda for the oppressor.

4 December 2003

Slowly, slowly (shwaya, shwaya), it is becoming easier to classify the Israelis as a monstrous entity. This became apparent today during a videoconference between An-Najah University students and a class in Spain.

On the Spanish side, a young man came to the microphone. 'Salaam aleikum,' he said. And then - 'Shalom.'

My immediate reaction was to wonder who this person was who thought it appropriate to speak in Avrit, the language of the oppression. It soon became clear, as he declared himself to be an Israeli. The whole room, including me, jumped visibly backwards. Worse yet, he went on to ask 'the question' - suicide bombers. Our hands went to our faces and we shook our heads back and forth - not this again.

The air in the room turned hostile. Anger and indignation rose. Who was he to be asking this, to bring up this subject?

I believe in that moment trust was severed. Was he working for his government? What would he do with these faces, these names? Still, the Palestinian students and teachers were surprisingly gracious, thanking him for his presence though clearly on guard. There was a defiance, a reluctance to speak candidly about this subject to this man.

I saw it in myself a few days ago at the internet cafe, too. A man who speaks both Hebrew and Arabic, who works for a Jewish hospital, began speaking to me. As his hospital's website loaded, I saw that it was all in Hebrew. This is Balata. What was he doing here?? Whose side was he really on? My suspicions deepened when I saw that the English version mentioned that it had been started by a Zionist charity.

In an ideal world, it wouldn't be a matter of 'whose side.' But nothing is ideal here - not the crowded schools, not the smoke belching tanks, not the constant tension, not the suspicions. Despite idealistic dreams that may crop up on both sides, this world, this existence, is fundamentally flawed, raw, without the shellac and plastic coating that create 'ideal' situations.

The barbarism, the hatred, the dearth of understanding from the Israelis I see here - this feeds it. And when I venture into '48, the hatred, arrogance, and unmitigated power displayed feed it even more, and it becomes very difficult to say that it is only the soldiers. This, perhaps, is how dehumanisation begins.

4 December 2003

Nothing is newsworthy anymore. It has become routine - though it seemed major at first, the 10 tanks entering Nablus and Balata, the fleet of jeeps, the occupied homes, the wounded shebab, the blood inside the ambulance - it is routine. The mud covering my pants and the blood on my shirt from tripping over garbage and stones to hide from approaching tanks in the night is walla ishi - nothing.

Screaming soldiers, silent ones gesturing with undecipherable signs - though new at first, at least this situation tonight - what is there to say now? 'This is the life.' I find myself echoing Palestinian sentiments. And 'It's not in my hands [when I will die].'

Day in, day out. A difference here and there, but finally more of the same - more checkpoints, more soldiers, more tanks, more gunfire and sound bombs. How can anyone keep reporting news when it isn't news any longer? What is there to say when you've lost interest in the details of your own struggle, when details blur together with monotony?

Only the whistles of the youth from hill to hill, the call that army is coming, remain in my mind.

4 December 2003

The young medical relief workers - only in their teens - show no signs of distress. We wait while they get their fluorescent vests, we ask about Italy as we look for the army in the cold, we watch the soldiers, asking them to stop pointing their guns at us, while they joke with each other.

They are kids in some ways - and men in others. They've seen more in their lives than my parents or my friends' parents. Most of them have collected children's brains from the street to bring to grieving parents.

It's another casual night with the soldiers. 'Come here, soldier,' they say as we trudge up the mountain, laughing. It's another small adventure, one which must have played itself out many times.

There is water in the ambulance that we meet, and a few traces of blood on the rails of the cot we pile onto from a quick wash after copious amounts of blood an hour earlier. This is the life. They do not seem afraid of being shot, despite the silent night and the mute soldiers pointing their guns at us. They react a bit as six army vehicles descend the hill to meet us outside the occupied house that we are trying to gain entrance to so that we may check on the prisoners inside. The soldiers scream at us to leave, pointing their M16s at the medics, menacing.

I wonder if the soldiers ever laugh and joke the same way. I've never really seen it. I wonder what goes though their minds on the other end of the confrontation, when, misinterpreting their contradictory hand signs, I walk slowly forward with open palms. All I know is that they were ready to shoot.
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Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Fri Dec 03, 2004 9:36 am

All of these are from the place I lived:

december 3rd:

Image

december 3rd, minutes before needing medical help:

Image

What 'rubber bullets' do:
Image

My Camp from our roof, during invasion:
Image
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gigglesnort
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Post by gigglesnort » Fri Dec 03, 2004 9:42 am

rian, you leave me speechless here every day. I wish I had something meaningful to say in the face of your experience, but alas.....

Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Fri Dec 03, 2004 10:05 am

hell, i never have anything meaningful to say in the face of it...

smooch <plush>
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Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Mon Dec 06, 2004 11:13 am

i miss home:

Image Image
Image Image
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Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Tue Dec 07, 2004 8:19 am

8 December 2003

It was two days ago now, and I am still not quite sure how to feel about the day. I knew when I left for Nablus that there was supposedly a tank on Amman Street, between Balata and Askar, but it wasn’t even in sight so it wasn't posing much of a threat. I called the others to let them know, and continued on my way. After all, I was expected at Al-Yasmeena to do some dictation work for a Swiss journalist. An hour and a half into our meeting, some International visitors showed up saying the clash was in gear. A call to ISM Nablus left the severity of the situation unclear, but I thought it better to return to Balata.

As I arrived, the first stage of the clash had just finished. I wish I had seen it - apparently the kids climbed on the tank and bent parts of it, Jenin style. There was even an attempt to plant a Hamas flag on top. Baab a Muheiam (the ‘gate of the camp’) was still crowded, the street littered with stones, garbage, buckets, and paint splatters.

The other two Internationals decided to leave for a meal at a shebab house though a tank and border polive jeep remained 'taht' - below the roadblock at the taxi circle. UPMRC (medics) were there in good numbers. As the afternoon waned, the battle moved down the hill. There was a beautiful moment where the jeep, attempting to do some 4-wheeling, mired itself in the mud. The kids had a heyday. From behind dumpsters they fired their crude missiles (read: rocks), some running right in front of the tank and boldly staying there, taunting it.

There was an occasional burst of m16 fire from the jeep to the alley where the children were hiding, but in retrospect I wonder if they were restraining themselves out of fear of repercussions from the resistance fighters while they were in such a precarious position.

I was nervous. When the army is humiliated, it strikes harder. When it is afraid, it strikes blindly and with deadly force. There was little I could do. I was the only international, and I looked far too much like a Palestinian boy in Nasser's faux leather jacket. In the deepening darkness, it would soon be impossible to tell that I wasn't a Palestinian.

As I reached the taxi circle in retreat, I heard the first machine gun fire. The tank, gone for a few minutes, had returned to tow the jeep and shoot at the kids. It's chilling... so many bullets at once, propelled towards such soft flesh.
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Simply Joel
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Post by Simply Joel » Wed Dec 08, 2004 9:07 am

Rian, I still owe you a response regarding Palestinian statehood, and how to make it happen.

and here is yet another position.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

December 8, 2004
Sharon's Showdown With Likud
By WILLIAM SAFIRE

The political tectonic plates under the Middle East may have at last begun to shift.

Some Arab leaders, facing four more years of George W. Bush, seem to have understood the policy message he sent from Canada last week: "Achieving peace in the Holy Land is not just a matter of pressuring one side or the other on the shape of a border or the site of a settlement. This approach has been tried before without success. As we negotiate the details of peace," said Bush, "we must look to the heart of the matter, which is the need for a Palestinian democracy."

That message - putting the bedrock principle of democratic interaction ahead of the endless process of "engagement" - is reverberating through the Arab world. A few days ago, Egypt's president, Hosni Mubarak, swapped a Druse Israeli citizen, Azzam Azzam, imprisoned for seven years on phony spy charges, for a group of captured Egyptian infiltrators. Israel sets great store on freeing its citizens, and the release of Azzam was a major gesture by Egypt.

This followed Mubarak's surprise description, after Yasir Arafat's death, of Ariel Sharon as the Palestinians' best chance for peace - "he asks for only one thing: the end to the explosions, so they can work together on a solid basis." It also follows Mubarak's offer, accepted by Israel, to station troops along Egypt's border with Gaza to stop Hamas's arms smuggling as Israel begins its withdrawal.

Hopes are rising that Sharon's prospective pullout, along with easements to facilitate Palestinian elections and his promise "to give quiet for quiet," will lead to the return of the long-absent Egyptian and then the Jordanian ambassadors. (The euphoria does not extend to Syria, whose president is suddenly offering talks without preconditions about the Golan Heights. Nobody trusts Syria.)

Today's sense of early movement comes on the eve of Sharon's showdown with Likud, the rightist party he helped found. Its 3,000-member central committee meets tomorrow to accept or reject the prime minister's plan to form a unity government with leftist Labor, which supports him on leaving Gaza to the Palestinians but opposes his budget.

Sharon welcomes the showdown within his party. If a Likud majority were to reject his new coalition, that would trigger unwelcome new elections, a re-freezing of the current thaw with Arabs and the splintering of Likud. But yesterday, the former Likud Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with Sharon, urged reciprocity from Palestinians and continued economic reform, and pledged his support. (Bibi wants Arik to succeed because he wants to succeed him.)

As Palestinians elect a new government that can restrain its violence-prone bitter-enders, I'm told that Sharon's coalition of Likud, Labor and several religious parties would agree to start Palestinian negotiations with a clean slate. The previous Barak-Clinton offers, including a division of Jerusalem - anathema to most Israelis - came off the table when Arafat chose war.

That unencumbered start would please Likud's right and annoy Labor's left, but here's the delicious complexity of the first "unified disunity government": On foreign affairs, Sharon will have his center-left coalition; on domestic budgets, his rightist coalition.

This swinging Knesset majority would be designed to last until the next election in 2006, enough time to negotiate a settlement that Palestinians and Israelis could abide.

The dangers: rebellion in Likud if Gaza settlers are seen to be heroic, or an "end run" by Labor's Shimon Peres to appeal to pro-Palestinian European, Russian and U.N. concessioneers.

Already we see outside pressure for "return to the pre-'67 borders." As documented in Dore Gold's "Tower of Babble," this ignores Lyndon Johnson's defeat of Aleksei Kosygin's attempt to slip the specific word "the" in front of the general "territories" in crafting U.N. Resolution 242 - which would have left Israel's borders vulnerable.

No global bureaucrat can belatedly dictate who owns what part of those disputed territories. As Bush noted, "This approach has been tried before without success."

What could succeed is a direct negotiation between democratically elected officials of two Middle East nations who can control their extremists. That has not happened yet, but Jews and Arabs may soon have a narrow window of opportunity.

Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company

Rian Jackson
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Post by Rian Jackson » Wed Dec 08, 2004 9:22 am

Joel, I have to disagree with you. Yes, democracy in Palestine is important, largely because the people have overwhelmingly supported a secular democratic state (approx. 30%, I believe, of Palestinians are Christian, and the term 'Palestinian' doesn't exclude any religion - even Jews).

However, look at the maps. Tarazi was saying it very clearly, and all of the facts support it - Israel has, since the beginning of the Zionist program, pursued a more land, fewer Palestinians goal. The main areas of expansion are Ariel Block, Greater Jerusalem (extending, essentially, to Jordan) and the area i can't remember the name of that is just to the south.

Bush promised these areas in writing to the Israelis, so they continue to expand them. (In the language of 'major population centers') On the fringes of these areas, new outposts are being built to expand them.

The Gaza withdrawal, while a move in the right direction, does not mean independence, nor does it mean an end to military occupation. And it means the west bank will be split into non-contiguous cantons.

I have no reason to trust Sharon. The overall trajectory of the Israeli initiative has not altered.

Palestinians have called unilateral ceasefires before, under the leadership of Barghouti. They were attacked by the IDF in return. History does not bode well.

But really, i want to hear YOUR opinions, Joel - in your words, if you would. Really, i'm truly interested. On tenterhooks, m'dear.

I’ll try to get you the maps today. They’re worth seeing.
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